Beyond the ‘Oppressed Women’ – The Big Lies about Iran

Examining the Full Spectrum of Western Misrepresentations About Iran: From Social Gains to Leadership Principles, Minority Rights, and Open Discourse in the Islamic Republic

Screenshot from YouTube channel Travel Buddies Iran

Western politicians and media often depict Iran’s government as a dictatorial “mullah regime” led by a fanatical, woman-hating Ayatollah intent on terrorizing the world with nuclear weapons. How much of this narrative holds up, and what is distorted or false?

Iran’s Nuclear Policy and the Assassination of Its Key Advocate

Iran has consistently upheld religious principles in its nuclear policy, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s longstanding fatwa prohibiting the production, stockpiling, and use of nuclear weapons—a religious decree he defended rigorously for decades, dating back to the mid-1990s and publicly reiterated on multiple occasions.

Ironically, it was the United States and Israel that assassinated Iran’s foremost advocate of a nuclear-weapons-free stance. Khamenei was killed in late February 2026 during joint U.S.-Israeli airstrikes on Tehran. His successor—now facing unrelenting aggression and threats—may well shift toward North Korea’s proven model of nuclear deterrence as a means of ensuring survival and security against external threats.

The Ayatollah’s Views on Israel and Iran’s Jewish Community

Khamenei was frequently labeled antisemitic for opposing what he viewed as an apartheid-like state in Israel and advocating instead for a single democratic state where Jews, Muslims, Christians, and others enjoy equal rights. In reality, Iran reserves a dedicated parliamentary seat for its small Jewish community, which is free to practice its religion and culture without restriction. Last year, Jewish American investigative journalist Max Blumenthal visited Isfahan and documented a thriving Jewish community there, including visits to ancient sites and interactions with local Jews living openly and harmoniously.

Israel has bombed and destroyed Christian churches in Gaza and Lebanon.
The Islamic Republic of Iran, on the other hand, respects synagogues and churches. This short video shows a beautiful Iranian church.

The Real Structure of Power in Iran

A key fact rarely acknowledged in the West: roughly 90% of Iran’s political decisions are made by the elected government under the president, while the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah) serves primarily as a spiritual figure—more akin to the Pope than a day-to-day ruler. Naturally, some Iranians oppose the Islamic Republic, but just as the Catholic Church does not compel Catholics to attend Mass, the state does not force Muslim Iranians to pray in mosques.

Who Was Vilified Ayatollah Ali Khamenei Really?

Those who knew Ayatollah Ali Khamenei described him as a highly educated and cultured man—fluent in multiple languages, including Persian, Arabic, and English; deeply versed in literature (he was particularly fond of English novels and counted Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables among his favorites); and a regular reader of American magazines such as Newsweek and Time during their print heyday.

As a young man, he volunteered for the Iranian army to defend the country during the Western-backed illegal Iraqi war of aggression in the 1980s (Iran–Iraq War). On June 27, 1981, at the Abuzar Mosque in Tehran—shortly after returning from the front—a bomb hidden in a tape recorder exploded during his sermon, causing severe injuries that permanently paralyzed his right arm and impaired his vocal cords and lungs. Iran blamed the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (MEK / Mojahedin-e Khalq) for the attack—a group long listed as a terrorist organization by the United States and today supported and utilized by Israel and the United States for their own ends. The MEK was also involved as an armed force in the violent riots of early January 2025, events routinely described in the West as a “popular uprising.”

Chamenei played a decisive role in shaping Iran’s military doctrine. He recognized the futility of trying to compete with superior conventional forces and instead consistently promoted asymmetric capabilities—particularly the development of indigenous drones and missiles rather than expensive fighter jets. Under his oversight, extensive underground bases were constructed. This strategy was a direct response to U.S. threats following the 2003 invasion of Iraq, as well as to the decades-long demands by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu to take action against Iran—demands based on unproven accusations of an alleged nuclear weapons program.

Despite his high rank and the clear danger he faced, Khamenei remained a humble and principled leader. He steadfastly refused to leave his modest home and office in Tehran, even though he knew he was a prime target. He explained that, as long as ordinary citizens could not evacuate the capital and other cities under relentless bombardment, he would not abandon them either—“come what may.” This resolute choice led directly to his assassination by Israeli missiles in late February 2026.

There is no future left for this 14-month-old Iranian toddler. Along with her grandfather Ali Khamenei, Iran’s Supreme Leader, Zahra was killed by Israel. She died alongside several other family members—including her mother and father. This comes as no surprise, as the Zionist regime has made a habit of murdering children on an industrial scale, from Gaza to Lebanon to Iran.

The murder happened while the United States pretended that serious negotiations with Iran were underway and had already announced a new meeting date for the following week.

Religious Fervor: Iran vs. the United States

Iran’s government is routinely accused of being ruled by “religious fanatics” who must be destroyed. Yet a screenshot from a March 2026 White House prayer session—showing influential American pastors laying hands on President Trump and fervently invoking divine guidance amid the escalating U.S.-Israeli war against Iran—reveals strikingly similar, if not even more intense, religious fervor at the very heart of American leadership.

Screenshot from independent investigative journalist James Li’s video

This juxtaposition suggests the accusation may be less about objective differences in religious influence on policy and more about projection—rooted in longstanding prejudices and selective moral outrage.

Religion as a Weapon of War—Again

Historically, the Thirty Years’ War in Europe ended in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia, which banned religion as a justification for war between states. Now, the U.S. Department of War (Pentagon) appears to be reviving religious justifications by telling troops and civilians that the war on Iran advances Armageddon and the return of Jesus—weaponizing religion once more to justify the killing of thousands (potentially far more) innocents. This marks the emergence of a new era of crusaders in the Middle East.

Screenshot from an article written by Veteran journalist and TV news producer Jonathan Larsen on Substack

Whistleblowers, reporting through groups like the Military Religious Freedom Foundation, have revealed that U.S. commanders are framing the conflict in terms of Christian eschatology (end-times prophecy). Troops are told the war accelerates Armageddon and Jesus’ return, positioning them as “accelerants” in God’s plan, with some briefings portraying President Trump as “anointed by Jesus” to trigger these events.

The Real Story of Women in Iran

Women’s status in Iran has changed markedly since the 1979 revolution—a reality that is systematically misrepresented and underreported in Western media too, often deliberately so.

On my first business trip to Iran more than 40 years ago, shortly after the revolution, women wore hijab and long coats without exception. Even then, many younger women found subtle ways to express personal style, such as pairing the required attire with jeans.

Today, in major cities—especially the vibrant streets of Tehran—many women, particularly those from the younger generation, move freely in public without hijab: on sidewalks, in cafés, parks, and amid the rhythms of daily life.

What was once regarded as an act of bold defiance has become increasingly routine and unremarkable among youth.

Watch my short video capturing two young women walking confidently through Tehran without headscarves.

What was once viewed as an act of bold defiance has gradually become normalized and commonplace among youth, reflecting a broader, organic evolution of social norms over the decades.

This screenshot from the Iranian YouTube channel Travel Buddies Iran, run by a local couple, captures this everyday reality well.

Among women under 24, the literacy rate is nearly 100% (around 99% as of recent data); women dominate university admissions (63% of registrants in the 2025 Konkur national entrance exam). Viral images of women burning hijabs—often amplified by Western or Israeli propaganda—do not reflect ordinary lived experience.

This evolution in urban social norms is unmistakable for anyone who visits. Nightlife thrives: women frequently wear stylish, form-fitting outfits in cafés, parties, and events. Religious minorities, particularly Iran’s Christian communities (such as Armenians), produce and enjoy alcohol privately or in venues like the iconic Armenian Club in Tehran, known for its homemade wine and vodka.

Women have driven cars for decades, and recent reforms have expanded freedoms: since early 2026, women can officially obtain motorcycle licenses (resolving long-standing legal ambiguities), and they have long attended football matches in stadiums alongside men.

This video shows life on the streets in Iran—something that Western media, for obvious reasons, do not show

Free Speech and Political Participation: Iran vs. Gulf Monarchies

Iranian voices from inside the country are rarely—if ever—heard in European media, and they are virtually absent from German outlets altogether.

Professor Seyed Mohammad Marandi, an English literature professor at the University of Tehran (where the dean is a woman), spoke candidly about free speech, expression, and political participation in Iran during his March 2026 interview on The Jimmy Dore Show. He drew a sharp contrast with the Arab Gulf monarchies, which he described as family dictatorships or absolute monarchies.

Contrary to Western media depictions of Iran as a repressive “police state,” Marandi stressed that everyday Iranians enjoy considerable freedom to criticize the government openly, without immediate severe consequences in casual settings:

• People freely complain, curse the leadership, and voice dissatisfaction in taxis, buses, or the metro—common and tolerated public discourse.

• In his classes at the University of Tehran, where he has taught for more than 22 years, Professor Marandi recounted how one student once declared Iran to be “the worst regime in the world,” worse than North Korea and a full-blown police state.

A few weeks later, Marandi responded with gentle humor: “You’re still here?” He then teased the student, suggesting that “they must have arrested someone else instead.” He continued to rib the young man lightly throughout the semester whenever he spoke up—yet no arrest, no formal reprimand, and no punishment ever followed.

The anecdote, delivered with a wry smile, underscores a simple point: even sharp, provocative criticism of the government in an academic setting goes unpunished in Iran.

This belies Western media exaggeration of repression, ignoring Iranians’ everyday openness.

Also interesting is this comparison: In Iran, sharp public criticism of the government is increasingly being tolerated, while in the EU even mild dissenting opinions already lead to censorship, account freezes, professional bans, or legal proceedings. Everyone can imagine for themselves who is running the real dictatorship here.

Marandi highlighted Iran’s electoral system as proof of greater accountability than in the Gulf:

Iran holds elections (even though not perfect, e.g., Guardian Council vetting), including regular presidential, parliamentary (Majlis), Assembly of Experts, and local council votes—reflecting meaningful public participation.

By contrast, he described Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, Kuwait) as repressive police states with zero tolerance for dissent and no real national elections in most cases:

Absolute family dictatorships (e.g., “Saudi Arabia literally belongs to the Saudi family”), with power concentrated in ruling families and no meaningful elected national legislatures (Saudi has none; Qatar scrapped partial elections in 2024 for a fully appointed council; others offer limited, advisory bodies that don’t challenge monarchy).

Criticism is crushed: laws punish mild statements (e.g., UAE: 10 years prison and fines for certain praise); intense surveillance (social media monitoring, phone hacking); people never voice dissent openly—even mildly—in public, unlike Iran. Public opinion is irrelevant.

Public opinion is irrelevant. Polls (including American ones) show widespread anti-Israel sentiment across the Arab world, including in these states, yet repression suppresses any corresponding expressions of it.

Western Hypocrisy and the Propaganda Machine

Professor Seyed Mohammad Marandi—never invited onto German mainstream media, even as the German chancellor denounces Iran as a brutal dictatorship while maintaining cordial meetings with Saudi Arabia’s ruler and Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu (wanted by the International Court of Justice for war crimes)—argued that Western outlets routinely portray Iran as the ultimate “evil regime” while turning a blind eye to the far stricter controls on speech, expression, and political participation enforced by Gulf monarchies.

This glaring double standard, he contended, stems not from any genuine assessment of freedom levels, but from geopolitical expediency. Iran allows considerably more casual, everyday criticism in public settings and conducts regular elections (however imperfect), whereas the Gulf family dictatorships maintain an atmosphere of total silence through pervasive fear, intense surveillance, and the complete absence of meaningful electoral outlets.

In Marandi’s view —a perspective likely shared by millions of Iranians— these distorted Western narratives function as propaganda, deliberately crafted to manufacture consent for aggression—whether in the form of crippling sanctions or outright war—while conveniently ignoring the everyday realities of relative openness in discourse and political processes within Iran itself.

Denying Iran’s Progress While Demonizing It for a Purpose

It would be a mistake to downplay Iran’s real challenges—but it is an equally grave mistake to remain silent about the visible progress in social norms, personal freedoms, and everyday urban life, as Western politicians and their media almost invariably do.

The systematic demonization of Iran by Israel and the West ultimately serves only one purpose: to condition the Western public to accept violations of international law and unprovoked attacks as legitimate—or even necessary.

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Related:

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• The Making of a Nemesis: How the United States Created the Iran It Now Fears

  America’s 70-Year Campaign Against Iran: From Destroying Democracy to Engineering Collapse—And Why the Next Version Could Be Even More Dangerous

• A War to Topple Iran That Toppled the Non-Proliferation Regime Instead

  In the attempt to stop a bomb Iran wasn’t building, Israel and the U.S. have ended the era of nuclear restraint.

• The Snapback of Sanctions: Escalation Against Iran

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• Unplugging the West

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• Iran, Israel, and the Geopolitical Chessboard: A Manufactured Crisis

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• Washington’s Oil Blockade: It Is Intended To Strangle Iran, Hit China’s Industry And It Will Massively Endanger Global Peace And Stability

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• Rerouting Global Trade: The Rise of the Eurasian Corridor

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Felix Abt is an entrepreneur, author and travel blogger living in Asia.

With his articles, he tries to make a modest contribution to debunking the omnipresent propaganda of the mainstream media for those who don’t have the time (and that’s most people) to do the research to see through it.

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